The 1972-1981 Educational Reform

It is indeed worrying that at a time when many educators are debating such important issues as selective versus non-selective education, examinations and continuous assessment, streamed and non-streamed classes, etc., several contributors to the debate are using as their point of reference the 1972-81 Comprehensive schooling reform in Malta and are, unfortunately, presenting an incorrect interpretation of this reform and its outcome. This can be very dangerous in the present context because it could mean basing crucial educational decisions on faulty assumptions.

Let me start by stating that the aim of the 1972-81 educational reform was aimed at removing the segregation of schoolchildren on the basis of their academic ability and, instead of having them educated in different secondary schools, have them all educated under one roof in the same secondary school, i.e. a Comprehensive School.

Malta’s educational system in 1972 was very similar to that of today. There were State Schools alongside Church/Independent Schools. When “Secondary Education For All” was introduced in 1970, the secondary schools were organized on a selective basis. Students went to either a Grammar School, a Secondary Technical School or a Secondary Modern School. However, it was envisaged that this selective system would eventually be replaced by a non-selective one.

Research shows that some cardinal mistakes were committed in the planning and implementation of the 1972 reform. There was too much secrecy surrounding the introduction of the reform. To leave most people uninformed right up to some months before its introduction is not the way to set about educational reform. Educators, parents and students were not prepared for the vast changes and the culture shock that would accompany the reform. There was no adequate planning for such logistic problems as the lack of space in some schools which would eventually lead to a serious problem of over-crowding of students in certain schools.

On the eve of the reform, the Guidance Unit of the Education Department was abolished. To this day, nobody knows the exact reasons behind this controversial decision. This meant that when the reform started and the social mixing of students brought about new and never-encountered disciplinary problems, the crucial guidance and counselling services were lacking. A colossal blunder.

The implementation of the Comprehensive schooling reform in 1972 was also defective at a macro-level. Church and Independent schools were left out of the reform. This meant that when serious problems started cropping up in the newly-established secondary Comprehensive schools, disappointed and alarmed parents could start withdrawing their children from State Schools and enrolling them in non-State Schools. This eventually led to quite an exodus of students from State Schools to Church and Independent schools, especially in the case of boys where non-State educational provision was greater than that for girls.

The Mid-Year and Annual Examinations were now replaced by continuous assessment. Henceforth, students would proceed from Primary Schools to Secondary Schools without a selective examination. All secondary schools now became “Area Secondary Schools” and all students followed the same curriculum but only in Forms 1 and 2. Mixed-ability classes were now the order of the day and streaming was officially abolished.

Then serious problems arose. Several teachers could not cope with the mixed-ability classes and were overwhelmed with disciplinary problems. These problems were exacerbated by the 1974 Education Act which raised the school-leaving age to fifteen and, later, sixteen which meant that unmotivated children waiting to leave would now have to remain in school. This multiplied disciplinary problems.

Financial problems led to some much-needed “Remedial Classes” being closed down. Industrial actions by the Malta Union of Teachers further complicated an already complicated situation. Much more important, teaching methodology remained the traditional “chalk and talk” and there were no adequate funds for educational resources without which Comprehensive education cannot succeed.

The exodus of the brightest students to the Church/Independent schools and the newly-opened State trade schools meant that many State secondary schools finished up with a disproportionate number of academically weak students.

It came to a point where many educators, parents and even students were unhappy with the reform. The Nationalist Opposition had a field day attacking the Labour Government. Little by little, the Comprehensive secondary education reform was dismantled and, then, completely abandoned in 1981 with the setting up of the Junior Lyceums.

So, taking all the above facts into consideration, the crucial question is “Did the 1972-81 Comprehensive secondary schooling reform fail because such an educational system is difficult to work, given our educational culture, or did it fail because of the many mistakes committed?” This has serious implications for today because everybody agrees that educational reform is needed but what kind and how we implement it is the crux of the argument.

(This article by Desmond Zammit Marmara has been published in The Times of Malta on the 21st October 2008).

A Blue Print for Action

Dr. Joseph Muscat's speech in the House of Representatives yesterday has all the qualities of being historic. In it, Dr. Muscat has outlined his analysis of what is wrong within the Maltese society, and set out Labour's vision to address this malaise.

The Fondazzjoni Mikiel Anton Vassalli is hereunder publishing Dr. Muscat's speech:

Gej minn generazzjoni li minnha nnifisha ma tantx tafda l-istituzzjonijiet u l-politici – huma min huma, u gejjin minn fejn gejjin. Huwa facli li twahhal fin-nies ghal din in-nuqqas ta’ fiducja. Izda jien l-ewwel wiehed ma nistax naghmel dan, ghax hassejt dawn l-affarijiet. Hassejt x’ jigifieri tara istituzzjoni bhal din li qed fiha llum ‘il boghod mill-bzonnijiet tal-komunita’ li kont – u ghadni – nghix fiha.

Naf kif ihossu zaghzugh li jahdem minn filghodu sa’ filghaxija f’ ghaqda zghira ta’ rahal zghir, li jara li min jiehu d-decizjonijiet mhux biss ftit li xejn jaghti kas tieghu u ta’ shabu, izda lanqas biss jaf li jezistu. Ma jafux x’ kontribut zghir, izda fl-istess hin kbir, qed jaghtu lil pajjiz.

Kien f’ wiehed minn dawk il-mumenti ta’ rabja ghall-istituzzjonijiet li ddecidejt li nidhol fil-politika. Dhalt fil-politika biex inbiddel. Ghamiltha cara sa’ mill-ewwel intervent fl-ewwel konferenza li attendejt. Nghid il-verita’ li hsibt li se tkun l-ahhar wahda ukoll ghax il-messagg tieghi kien wiehed ahrax favur il-bidla f’ ambjent li sa’ dak iz-zmien ma kienx tant favorevoli ghal caqlieq. Izda b’sorpriza ghalija, l-appell tieghi intlaqa. Il-Partit Laburista laqghani fi hdanu ghax kien hemm spazju ghal min ried jghid dak li jahseb, jiffaccja l-isfidi b’ lingwagg gdid u jara l-politika ta’ azzjoni.

U illum ninsab hawn. Nirraprezenta lil poplu bhala Kap tal-Oppozizzjoni f’ din l-oghla istituzzjoni tal-pajjiz li kont nara maqtuha mir-realta’ tal-hajja ta’ kuljum li jghaddu minnha l-familji.

Konvint li llum hemm jismghuni persuni li jemmnu li l-politici ma jifmuhomx.

Li maghluqin f’palazz tal-avorju u aghar minn hekk jimxu maghhom b’ zewgt ucuh: wiehed qabel u l-iehor wara l-Elezzjoni.

Ma jafux xi tfisser li tqum filghodu biex tmur ghax-xoghol u tahseb kif il-paga qed isservik dejjem anqas.

Ma jifhmux xi tfisser li ghandek 40 sena tara parti kbira mill-paga sejra dirett ghand il-bank biex thallas ghal post fejn toqghod.

Ma jifhmhux xi tfisser li bhala sid ta’ negozju zghir trid tara kif taghmel biex timxi ‘il quddiem, issib il-flus ghal pagi tal-5 impjegati tieghek li tikkunsidrahom daqs tal-familja, tlahhaq mall-ispejjez u kontijiet dejjem jizdiedu, filwaqt li taqbez l-ostakoli tal-burokrazija.

Ma jimmaginawx kif thossok meta wara li tkun tajt sahhtek fuq ix-xoghol jigu jghidulek li int bis-sensja ghaliex naqset il-kompetittivita.

Ma jafux li xi tfisser tinkwieta jekk hux qed taghmel l-ahjar ghazla meta tara fejn uliedek ghandhom imorru l-iskola.

Ma jafux il-biza meta tigi biex tiftah ittra b’ kont iehor go fiha halli tara minn x’ hiex se jkollok ticcahhad biex tlahhaq mall-bzonnijiet bazici.

Ma jafux li kull darba li tmur tixtri tara kont akbar ghall-istess affarijiet li tkun xtrajt ix-xahar ta’ qabel.

Ma jafux xi tfisser li b’sagrificcji kbar tkun irnexxielek ittella l-familja tieghek ‘il fuq izda pizijiet godda qed itellfu minn dak li ksibt.

Ma jridux jitkellmu dwar ir-realta’ ta’ familji qed jinfirdu u tfal li qed jitwieldu barra z-zwieg ghax jibzghu li jitilfu xi vot waqt li int qed titlef hajtek.

Ma jafux kif thossok li kif timxi pass ‘il quddiem se ssib l-istat jara kif jehodlok minnu u mhux jara kif se jghinek timxi iehor.

Ma jidhrux li jghixu fl-istess dinja tieghek meta int trid tirrispondi ghal kull pass t’ghemilek fil-waqt li whud minnhom jipprovaw isibu kull skuza biex ifarfru r-responsabilita anki fl-iktar kazijiet skandaluzi.

Ma jimmaginawx x’ jghaddi minn mohhok wara li tkun studjajt u stinkajt, issib sistema li thares biss lejn l-ucuh u mhux tippremja l-abiltajiet.

Ma jaghrfux, l-irgiel li hafna drabi jiddeciedu – la darba ghandna l-inqas rata ta’ parlamentari nisa fl-Ewropa - kemm barrieri ssib quddiem wiccha tfajla biex tinghata opportunita’ daqs haddiehor fid-dinja tax-xoghol u fil-politika.

Ma jafux li bhala mara trid taghzel bejn li jkollok it-tfal u zzomm il-karriera lit ant studjajt ghaliha u li ma ssibx ghajnuna mill-istat biex izzomm bilanc.

Ma jistghux jimmaginaw xi thoss meta tara lit-tfal jitrabbew minn nanniet ghaliex inti trid bil-fors tkompli tahdem biex taghtijhom hajja dicenti.

Ma jhossux bhalek meta tara li jekk il-genituri u n-nanniet tieghek jimirdu b’ kundizzjoni, trid thallas biex taghtihom il-kura li jisthoqqilhom f’ hinha, ghax inkella jispiccaw f’ waiting list ma tispicca qatt.

M’ ghandhomx il-kuragg li jitkellmu dwar id-drittijiet ta’ persuni omosesswali, li ma jmorrux jigu tikkettjati.

Ma jafux li int inkwetat li filli qed tara spazju miftuh u filli tara blokk concrete li qed jifga kullimkien.

Ma jistghux r-rapprezentanti li hadd minnhom ma ghandu dizabilita’ jaghrfu l-iskolli li jsibu ma’ wicchom persuni b’ dizabilita’ fl-aktar affarijiet semplici tal-hajja ta’ kuljum.

Ma jistghux ikunu minflokok meta thares f’ghajnejn uliedek u thoss li l-generazzjoni tieghek qed tfalli milli thallilhom pajjiz ahjar.

Dawn huma r-realtajiet li ghandhom ikunu l-qofol ta’ kollox ghalina l-politici. Ir-raguni ghala tezisti din l-oghla istituzzjoni tal-pajjiz.

Jekk m’ ahniex naghmlu hekk, ghandna bzonn ezami kbir tal-kuxjenza.

Ezami tal-kuxjenza li ghandu jinkludi l-manifestazzjonijiet kollha ta’ dak li huwa maghruf bhala “l-Istat” – mill-Gvern ghall-Oppozizzjoni; mill-Gudikatura ghas-Servizz Pubbliku; mill-kumpaniji statali ghas-servizzi ta’ sigurta`; mir-regolaturi ghal dawk li jippjanaw.

Gej minn generazzjoni – kemm f’ Malta kif ukoll fl-Ewropa u lil hemm minnha – li ghandha d-dubji dwar l-imparzjalita` u l-efficjenza tal-Istat. Generazzjoni li thoss li l-Istat huwa b’ sahhtu mad-dghajjef u dghajjef ma’ min ghandu r-riedni tal-poter.

Stat inefficjenti li jahli u mbaghad jigbor aktar flus biex jaghmel tajjeb ghal din il-hela.

Stat li jirraprezenta minoranza ta’ nies b’ sahhithom u mhux il-maggoranza ta’ cittadini li jahdmu, jhallsu t-taxxi u jistinkaw ghal familja taghhom.

Stat li juza l-flus tal-maggoranza biex ihares l-interessi ta’ minoranza ckejkna izda b’ sahhitha.

Din il-percezzjoni twassal ghal distanza akbar bejn l-istituzzjonijiet u c-cittadin. Bejn il-politiku u l-elettur.

Jibda diehel id-dubju f’mohh il-votant jekk il-vot taghha hux veru se jaghmel id-differenza, jekk veru hux se jinbidlu l-affarijiet. Ghalhekk tikber dik is-sezzjoni tal-poplu li tiddeciedi li l-politici lanqas biss haqqhom min jivvutalhom, li l-ahjar messagg li jistghu iwasslu huwa dak li jibqghu id-dar u ma jaghtux kaz. Hekk jew b’ hekk, se jibqghu parti mill-maggoranza li thallas ghal kapricci tal-ftit.

Dhalt fil-politika biex inbiddel.

Dhalt fil-politika ghaliex nifhem din il-problema u ghaliex inhossha.

Dhalt fil-politika ghax irrid li pajjizi jimxi ‘il quddiem. Mhux li sempliciment ikun membru, kultant medjokri ta’ komunita’ internazzjonali. Mhux li jkun tajjeb. Mhux li jkun fost l-ahjar. Izda li jkun l-Aqwa.

Din hija l-ambizzjoni tal-Generazzjoni tieghi.

Nemmen izda li mhix bidla li tista’ taghmel sezzjoni wahda tas-socjeta’ wahedha. Iz-zghazagh ghandhom l-entuzjazmu, izda hemm bzonn l-esperjenza ta’ generazzjonijiet ohra. Nemmen li hemm nies ta’ kull eta’ li ghandhom ir-rieda tal-bidla. Dawn l-elementi kollha, xjuh, zghazagh u nies ta’ mezza eta’ huma parti mill-kuncett ta’ “Generazzjoni Rebbieha” ghaliex tghaqqadhom din ir-rieda Progressiva. L-ideal ma jafx il-barrieri tal-eta’. L-ideal jinsab fil-mohh u fil-qalb. Jghaqqadna ilkoll.

Il-qabza mill-qasam socjali ghal politika kienet ghazla konxja li ghamilt biex inbiddel l-affarijiet. Kienet ghazla konxja ukoll li nidhol fil-Partit Laburista. Bhal hafna Maltin u Ghawdxin, gej minn familja fejn hemm persuni b’ fehmiet politici differenti. Tghallimt nisma u naghraf it-tajjeb u l-hazin ta’ kull argument. Tghallimt is-siwi tad-dibattitu. Tghallimt li ma hemmx naha li taghmel kollox tajjeb u naha li taghmel kollox hazin. Tghallimt li irrelevanti mill-fehma politika, il-maggoranza il-kbira tal-persuni jmexxu ‘il quddiem hsibijiethom ghax jemmnu li dan ikun l-ahjar ghas-socjeta’ taghna.

L-ghazla tieghi li bhala zaghzugh nidhol fil-Partit Laburista hija ghax gejt ispirat mill-ideali Socjal-Demokratici li nidentifika ruhi maghhom. L-ideal li kull tifla u tifel f’ pajjizna ghandu jkollhom l-opportunita’ li jiksbu success f’ hajjithom.

Dan huwa ideal li l-Partit Laburista haddan sa’ mit-twaqqif tieghu, 88 sena ilu. Sa’ mill-ewwel sena tat-twaqqif tieghu, kellu l-kuragg li jitkellem favur li kull ragel – u mhux min hu sinjur biss – ikollu vot. Kellu l-kuragg li jmexxi ‘il quddiem il-vot ghan-nisa meta l-qawwiet konservattivi ghamlu rezistenza kbira. Mexxa ‘il quddiem il-Kostituzzjoni Repubblikana – wahda mill-ftit mumenti ta’ ghaqda Nazzjonali – fejn ta fiducja liz-zghazagh billi baxxa l-eta’ tal-vot ghal 18 –il sena.

Il-Partit Laburista li ghandi l-unur li mmexxi llum huwa l-istess partit li mexxa ‘il quddiem il-kuncett ta’ edukazzjoni ghal kulhadd;

ta servizz tas-sahha b’ xejn lil kulhadd;

ta pensjoni li tassigura li l-anzjani jinghataw rikonoxximent tal-hidma li jkunu ghamlu u mhux jintelqu ghal rihom;

dahhal il-paga minima ferm qabel bosta pajjizi ohra Ewropej;

ta dinjita’ lil mara fis-socjeta’ u assigura li din ma tkunx diskriminata fuq ix-xoghol minhabba s-sess taghha;

nehha l-persekuzzjoni kriminali kontra persuni omosesswali;

ghamel separazzjoni cara bejn Stat u Knisja;

ghamel lil pajjizna hieles tassew.

Huwa wkoll partit li ghamel zbalji matul is-snin. Qabel ma gejt elett Mexxej, ghidt li wasal iz-zmien li l-poplu taghna jaghmel paci mall-passat tieghu u li l-partiti politici jerfghu r-responsabiltajiet taghhom.

Jien konxju, ghax ghext fil-familja tieghi, li l-Partit Nazzjonalista kellu rwol sinjifikanti biex infethet il-ferita kbira socjali tal-glieda politiko-religjuza. Kif ghamlet il-Knisja, nemmen li l-Partit Nazzjonalista irid jerfa r-responsabilta’ tar-rwol tieghu u jitlob mahfra lil eluf ta’ familji li wegga bir-rwol attiv u passiv tieghu. Nistenna u nhalli ghal Partit Nazzjonalista li jaghmel dan il-pass.

Bl-istess mod, ukoll ghax ghal darba ohra ghext fil-familja tieghi, naf li l-Partit Laburista xi drabi wegga lil sezzjonijiet differenti tas-socjeta’. L-ghan m’ ghandhix dubju li kien genwin izda kien hemm waqtiet meta l-metodi kienu goffi u jien qatt ma nista’ naqbel maghhom. Fl-ewwel laqgha pubblika li kelli ghidt car u tond li l-Partit Laburista jitlob apologija lil kull min seta’ wegga. Illum nghid dan fl-oghla istituzzjoni tal-pajjiz. Irridu verament nibdew pagna gdida.

Taht it-tmexxija tieghi, il-Partit Laburista se jahdem biex jara li tonqos id-distanza demokratika bejn ic-cittadini u dawk li jirraprezentawhom. Kull Maltija u Malti; kull Ghawdxija u Ghawdxi iridu ihossu li l-Kunsill Lokali huwa taghhom. Li l-Parlament Ewropew huwa taghhom. Li l-Parlament Malti huwa taghhom.

Din hija wahda mill-akbar sfidi li mhux qed niffaccjawha wahedna. Hija l-krizi tal-Ewropa. Hija l-krizi tal-globalizazzjoni.

Hija l-krizi fejn il-kapricci tal-ftit wasslu lil sistema enormi f’xifer kollass, u jridu jkunu t-taxxi tal-hafna biex izommuha milli tikkrolla.

Is-soluzzjoni jisimha “fiducja”.

Fiducja li r-rapprezentanti tal-poplu iharsu f’ kull hin l-interessi tas-socjeta’ kollha u mhux tal-ftit.

Fiducja li l-Istat ma jinxtarax u li jkun ekwu ma’ kulhadd.

Fiducja li l-gustizzja tezisti.

Il-Partit Laburista se jidhol ghal din il-hidma minn issa, mill-Oppozizzjoni. “Oppozizzjoni”, kelma kerha b’ konnotazzjonijiet negattivi. Iggeghlek tistenna grupp ta’ nies li jgergru u jghidu “le” ghal kollox. Dik mhix il-forza parlamentari li se mmexxi jien.

Il-Partit Laburista se jkun forza pozittiva f’dan il-Parlament u fil-pajjiz. Minghandna stennew ghajnuna biex il-pajjiz jimxi ‘il quddiem. Stennew ukoll kritika harxa fejn naraw li mhux l-ahjar decizjonijiet qed ikunu mehuda. Ahna ma rridux li l-poplu jaghtina l-fiducja ghax l-affarijiet ikunu sejrin hazin jew ghax ikun xeba mill-Gvern prezenti. Irridu niksbu din il-fiducja ghax ic-cittadini jaraw fina forza pozittiva li se ttejjeb is-sitwazzjoni, li thaddan valuri progressivi, li tigbor fi hdanha l-moderati.

Se nkunu leali lejn il-Kostituzzjoni Repubblikana – dak id-dokument kuraggjuz, li jixhed il-valuri taghna u li wassal ghal wiehed mill-ftit mumenti ta’ konvergenza fl-istorja ta’ pajjizna. La nkunu leali ghal din il-Kostituzzjoni, se ngibu lil pajjizna l-ewwel. U ghalhekk ma jkun hemm xejn li jista’ jhammrilna wiccna.

Se nhaddnu maghna l-valuri Ewropej tad-demokrazija, liberta’ ta’ espressjoni, lajcita’ u drittijiet civili.

Fuq kollox, se nkunu Oppozizzjoni effettiva, ghaliex id-demokrazija dak li titlob, specjalment meta ghandna partit li kellu l-monopolju kwazi assolut tal-poter ghal aktar minn zewg decennia, kwazi kwart ta’ seklu.

Anki partit maghmul minn persuni bla ebda tebgha ma jista’ jittama li jibqa fuq is-siggu tal-poter ghal zmien tant twil minghajr ma jizviluppa karatteristici li jwasslu ghax-xetticizmu tac-cittadini fl-istituzzjonijiet tal-pajjiz. Xetticizmu mhux biss fil-Gvern, izda anki fl-Oppozizzjoni u r-relevanza taghha!

Nistenna li t-twegiba min-naha tal-Gvern tkun li jekk il-maggoranza tal-elettorat ivvutatilna, ifisser li jafdawna.

Bla dubju, ilkoll kemm ahna nafu r-regoli tad-demokrazija. Bhala Partit Laburista nafu li tlifna l-elezzjoni, anki jekk bi ftit, u rridu niehdu l-messagg ta’ bidla li l-poplu jrid minghandna.

Izda ikun ragunament li ma jarax fit-tul min-naha tal-Gvern li ma jindunax bil-kitba fuq il-hajt. Hemm ammont aktar sostanzjali ta’ nies li vvotaw ghal partiti ohra, li hassru l-vot jew li ghazlu li ma jivvotawx, milli dawk li vvotawlu jew ghax jemmnu fih jew ghax graw affarijiet li wassluwhom biex isoddu imnehirhom u jivvotawlu.

Onorevoli sinjuri, ippermettuli bhala l-ahhar wiehed li gejt fostkom, l-ahhar wiehed li wasalt f’ din il-Kamra li nitlobkom tghiduli jekk thossux li l-maggoranza tac-cittadini f’ pajjizna – irrespettivament lil min ivvutaw - ghadiex tafdana daqs kemm nixtiequ li ahna fdati.

Se nibdew nahdmu fuq dan il-process ta’ bini ta’ fiducja minn issa.

Izda se nkunu nistghu naghmlu l-parti l-kbira tal-hidma fil-Legislatura li jmiss, meta naspiraw li nkunu fil-Gvern bi strategija ta’ azzjoni. B’ hames snin intensivi ta’ hidma li se jmexxu lil pajjizna mill-gdid ‘il quddiem fil-valuri progressivi.

L-ghanijiet taghna se jkunu dawn li gejjin:

Ambjent li jaghmilna kburin li qed niddefendu l-ispazji naturali u li mexjin ma’ zvilupp sostenibbli.

Ekonomija kompetittiva id f’ id ma’ zvilupp socjali – fuq kollox l-edukazzjoni – li jaghtu kwalita’ ta’ hajja ta’ stil Ewropew lic-cittadini kollha.

L-aqwa standards ta’ tmexxija fil-livelli kollha tal-Istat.

Infrastruttura – kemm fizika kif ukoll teknologika – mahsuba u mantnuta biex taqdi ekonomija moderna.

Stat Socjali – welfare state u b’ mod partikolari qasam tas-sahha – fuq sisien sodi u li ssibu kull meta jkollok bzonnu.

Drittijiet civili li jixirqu lil gens ta’ pajjiz Ewropew.

Kultura ta’ inizjattiva privata li tmur lil hinn mill-qasam ekonomiku ghall-oqsma civici u kulturali.

Difiza shiha ta’ l-interessi nazzjonali u tal-poplu taghna.

Partecipazzjoni attiva, mhux passiva, fuq livell Ewropew.

Solidarjeta’ fuq livell Nazzjonali u internazzjonali.

Nemmen li dawn huma prijoritajiet Nazzjonali li ma nistghux biss inkomplu nitkellmu fuqhom izda li rridu niehu azzjoni dwarhom.

Id-demokrazija taghna ghandha bzonn din l-azzjoni biex inkunu nistghu innaqqsu d-distanza bejn ic-cittadin u l-istituzzjoni.

Biex kulhadd ihossu parti mid-decizjonijiet.

Biex kull wahda u wiehed minnha inhossuna kburin bix xoghol li qed naghmlu ghal Malta taghna.

Nemmen li f’ pajjizna hawn ghatx biex jinbena Moviment li jghaqqad flimkien lil dawk kollha li jridu li l-maggoranza siekta ikollha t-tmexxija li jixraqilha. Persuni li jemmnu li ghandna jkollna d-drittijiet ambjentali, ekonomici, socjali u civili li jixirqu lil pajjiz Ewropew. Persuni li jiddeskrivu lilhom innifishom bhala Progressivi.

Lesti li jinghaqdu maghhom hemm persuni li ghandhom l-istess ghanijiet izda li jridu jharsu lejn kull punt ghalih sabiex jaraw kif l-aktar li se jolqot l-interessi tal-familja taghhom u tal-ambjent li jghixu fih. Il-Moderati.

Dawn l-elementi flimkien iwasslu biex f’pajjizna mhux biss nilhqu, izda nizbqu, l-aspirazzjonijiet ambjentali, ekonomici, socjali u Ewropej tal-poplu Malti u Ghawdxi kollu.

Dan il-Moviment tal-Progressivi u Moderati huwa t-tama ghal futur ta’ Malta.

Nemmen f’ Malta, dan il-pajjiz li jien inqisni tant xortija tajba li twelidt fih u li jien kburi bih. Pajjiz kbir fit-talent, hila u bzulija.

Pajjiz kreattiv li jaf jilqa ghall-isfidi u jkun l-ahjar.

Malta li ma tibzax mill-futur izda thares lejh b’ fiducja u b’ kunfidenza.

Pajjiz li jrid jikseb success u jrid jara li dan is-success igawdi minnu kulhadd u mhux il-ftit.

Poplu li f’ mumenti difficli mhux se jhalli min jaqtalu qalbu, izda jaghmel aktar kuragg, jinghaqad aktar, u jghaggel ‘il quddiem.

Pajjizna kapaci jaghmel dan kollu.

Jien nemmen.

Ilkoll ghandna nemmnu.

Din hija l-Vizjoni tieghi u tal-Generazzjoni Rebbieha.

Din issa hija l-Vizjoni tal-Partit Laburista.

Din hija l-Vizjoni tal-Moviment tal-Progressivi u Moderati.

Din hija l-Vizjoni ghal futur ta’ pajjizna: ta’ Malta l-Aqwa fl-Ewropa.

An MLP-AD Coalition?

Evarist Bartolo’s idea of a coalition between the Malta Labour Party and Alternattiva Demokratika in order to make sure of defeating the Nationalist Party at the next General Election makes a lot of sense. It has nothing to do with a lack of confidence in Labour Leader Joseph Muscat’s ability to win the next General Election as the Nationalist media is trying to suggest. Bartolo’s idea is based on sound common sense. Let me explain.

First of all, it is clear that Joseph Muscat as Labour Leader has made a great impact on floating voters and even on some disgruntled Nationalists. His progressive and moderate ideas have been received by many as a breath of fresh air in the stultifying atmosphere of Maltese politics. This translates into more votes for the MLP at the next General Election but this event is still far away and the Nationalists have ample time to recover and turn the tables on the MLP.

Secondly, the power of incumbency will be a great advantage for the Nationalist Party in government. I have already mentioned this in a previous article. The Nationalists are not fools. They know how close they came to being defeated this time around and they will already be hard at work using all their resources in government to remedy those areas which they have identified as having been a source of weakness and loss of votes in the years leading to the last General Election. In other words, they will have learned their lesson and will take no chances next time. Expect measures aimed at winning new votes and recovering lost ones, perhaps not this far away from the General Election but certainly when it starts to approach.

Thirdly, it is a fact of life that the Nationalist Party today is not just a political party but a nationwide movement with support from various influential social groups which identify their interests with those of the PN. Throughout the years, the PN has built up a network of “friends” in crucial sectors of Maltese society and these “friends” of the Nationalists are in important positions where they can influence many people to vote for the PN at the next General Election. Suffice to say that in the matter of funds, which are so necessary to mount successful propaganda campaigns, the PN has a number of powerful backers whose “donations” finance a substantial part of the PN’s General Election campaigns.

Fourthly, and what I am writing now is debatable, the Maltese electorate seems to be very conservative these days. Sometimes I wonder if one of the reasons why Labour is being left on the sidelines at General Elections is the very fact that it projects itself as the party of change. I often get the impression that many Maltese are afraid of change. They prefer life to go on quietly without any major social changes even if it means accepting a certain degree of mediocrity such as under the present Nationalist Government. We Labourites have to ask ourselves whether we were frightening potential voters with such slogans as “a new beginning”. Do many Maltese prefer Lawrence Gonzi’s slow progress, with little change to the status quo, to Labour’s steady progress and a new Malta? I know that this is a controversial statement but I believe that it is one well worth reflecting upon.

All these reasons force me to conclude that while Labour stands a fighting chance at the next General Election, it is by no means certain that it will win. So, this is where a coalition with Alternattiva Demokratika comes in. Both the MLP and AD have a lot in common. They both share a Social Democratic ideology. They have very similar views on education, sustainable development, more civil rights for Maltese citizens, Malta’s European vocation, etc. They both have high calibre people in key positions within their respective parties.

The important questions are : “Can the MLP and AD work successfully together?”, “Would AD run the risk of losing its autonomy and being swallowed up by the politically stronger MLP?”, “What price would AD demand from the MLP in return for its support?”, “Would such a coalition be a source of discord within both political parties given that some influential members of both parties are dead against the idea of a coalition?”.

I sincerely believe that the idea of a coalition between the Malta Labour Party and Alternattiva Demokratika should be further publicly discussed and members of both political parties should start seriously considering this option. The alternative is for Labour to face the Nationalists alone and for AD to go on hoping that it will elect one of its candidates at the next General Election. And if both fail? Would they have a future?

(This article by Desmond Zammit Marmara has been published in The Times of Malta on the 1st October 2008)